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#91
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#92
гугл Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів 23

[Image: 8b828c94e2321dbcb65b3e996115ab60.jpg]

Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів
Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів
Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів

















Корея Південна, 2020 Зверни увагу! Всі хочуть потрапити на потяг до цього міста. Таким чином, продовження касового хіта 2016 року очолило кінопрокатні чарти в Південній Кореї, В'єтнамі, Малайзії, Сінгапурі та на Тайвані. Головні ролі в Поїзді в Пусан - Півострів зіграли Джон Хен (Кунхам: Прикордонний острів), Кан Дон Вон (Таємне возз'єднання) та Ре (Бажання). Критики впевнені — фільм може реанімувати кінотеатри в тих країнах, де вони нещодавно були відкриті. Після триумфу стрічки “Паразити” корейське кіно знаходить чимало прихильників та отримує гарні відгуки від кінокритиків. Слоган журі фестивалю: «Є фільми, які хочеться подивитися.

Режисером картини виступив Йон Сан Хо, відповідальний за «Потяг на Пусан» і його анімаційний приквел «Станція Сеул». Сам режисер не хоче називати фільм сиквелом. У Гонконзі живе Чон Сок, колишній військовий, який під час евакуації втратив сестру. Як створювалася історія кохання та помсти в одному зі своїх нещодавніх інтерв’ю розповів режисер і сценарист фільму Гевін Ротері. Швидкісний потяг в Пусан став своєрідним притулком для тих, кому пощастило вибратися з небезпечного міста. У головних ролях: Кон Ю, Ма Дон Сок, Чон Ю Мі, Кім Су Ан Творці “Пусана” обрали для себе таку стратегію: все можливе робилося задля створення ефекту довгоочікуваного продовження. Півострів" режисера Ен Сан Хо. Раніше назвали дату виходу фільму Гренландія 2020.

За сюжетом фільму дівчинка, що живе з батьком в Сеулі, на свій день народження дуже хоче поїхати до мами в Пусан. Йон Сан Хо спочатку зняв стрімкий зомбі-трилер про капіталізм і людяність, потім такий самий стрімкий мультик про старт пандемії в Сеулі. Вікові обмеження: 16 Train to Busan 2 Завершив він трилогію повним знищенням досягнутого. Естетичним і етичним. По-своєму, звичайно, красиво, але краще б він цього не робив.

Отримуйте регулярні оновлення Довгоочікуване продовження культової стрічки "Потяг до Пусана"! За сюжетом Південна Корея не змогла стримати спалах страшного вірусу, який знищив цілу країну. Не пропусти фрагмент після титрів, який об’єднає перший фільм і найочікуваніший сіквел «Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів», який вийде вже 6 серпня Більшість його робіт – анімаційні фільми.

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Потяг до Пусана 2: Півострів Однак, чи є вже заражені серед тих, хто опиняється у потягу? Країна відмежована від решти світу і перетворилася на руїну. Колишній військовий був закордоном, але повертається, аби зі своїм загоном вирушити в закриту зону. Група лудией, які вижили після зомбі-апокаліпсису намагається вибратися з країни, де все ще вирує страшний вірус. Режисер: Ен Сан-хо Як повідомлялося раніше, в мережі з’явився трейлер «Вітаємо у Зомбіленді 2», в якому зомбі атакують Білий дім. Але це виявляється не єдиною проблемою постапокаліптичного світу: корейці, перебуваючи в ізоляції, почали влаштовувати ігри на виживання. На час карантину багато заходів скасували або перенесли. Будь свідомим хмельничанином - залишайся вдома та мий ретельно руки!

























































































































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#93
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#94
Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів 2020 торрент na

[Image: a567ca278ba6c4d48a7901fb1e1e0845.jpg]

Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів
Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів
Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів

















Коментарі призначені для спілкування та обговорення, а також для роз'яснення питань, що цікавлять. Вікові обмеження: 16+ Корея Південна, 2020 Як повідомлялося раніше, в мережі з’явився трейлер «Вітаємо у Зомбіленді 2», в якому зомбі атакують Білий дім. На фото можна побачити купку розлючених зомбі.

Схоже, на нас чекає ще не один фільм за цією франшизою. Хороша новина (не для глядачів) — це дозволить зібрати в прокаті більше коштів, погана новина (для глядачів) — вам ще багато років будуть продавати успіх першого фільму серії. Тепер є величезний відкритий простір знищеного міста і тому, що сенсів картина не акумулює, доводиться заповнювати його живою падаллю. Після спалаху страшного вірусу, який розпочався з Південної Кореї, все що залишилося від країни - це руїни та мільйони зомбі, що розгулюють по півострову. Новітня (найочікуваніша) прем'єра літа! Перший літній блокбастер! Головні ролі в стрічці зіграли Лі Джон Хен (Кунха: Прикордонний острів), Кан Дон Вон (Таємне возз’єднання) і Лі Ре (Бажання). Придбати та забронювати квитки можливо на сайті.

Цей тріумфальний хід, хоч як це не сумно, обірвало продовження Пусана: режисер Йон Сан Хо вирішив вивчити грубий аспект жанру, і він йому катастрофічно не дався. Сам режисер не хоче називати фільм сиквелом. Їм доведеться якось протистояти людям, які вижили на півострові. 6 серпня 2020 року в український прокат виходить екшн-блокбастер “Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів” — це сіквел зомбі-екшену «Потяг до Пусана» режисера Йон Сан Хо. Вікове обмеження: 16+

Спеціальна розширена версія першого фільму “Потяг до Пусана” – вже з 30 липня у прокаті. Режисер: Ен Сан-хо Колишній солдат Юнг Сік (Кан Дон-вон) разом зі своєю командою направляється на спустошений корейський півострів, звідки сам раніше втік. Режисером картини виступив Йон Сан Хо, відповідальний за «Потяг на Пусан» і його анімаційний приквел «Станція Сеул». Новітня (найочікуваніша) прем'єра літа! Перший літній блокбастер! Проте толку від цього мало, бо простору для гри в напрочуд тісній картині Ен Сан Хо для акторів просто немає. До того ж, вже був анімаційний приквел до оригінального фільму — “Станція Сеул”. У перший вікенд прокату фільм став лідером зборів в п’яти країнах – в Південній Кореї, Сінгапурі, Малайзії, на Тайвані і у В’єтнамі. Вікові обмеження (років): 16

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Так, саме потяг виявився ідеальним герметичним простором для фільму про зомбі. За кордоном результати зомбі-екшну наступні: на Тайвані, де навіть під час епідемії кінотеатри не зачиняли. Цього разу сюжет існує швидше задля збирання докупи екшну, а не заради соціального висловлювання. Потяг до Пусана 2: Півострів Довгоочікуване продовження зомбі-бойовика 2016 року випуску. Того разу група нещасних, але сміливих людей намагалася дістатися на потязі, охопленому зараженими до, власне, Пусану. Країна ізольована і перетворюється на руїну. Тепер йому випадає нагода повернутися. Його місія — забрати з центру Сеула покинуту вантажівку з грошима та непомітно залишити карантинну територію. Майже всі режисерські ідеї, все запозичення тут не спрацьовують. 6 серпня 2020 року в український прокат виходить екшн-блокбастер “Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів” — це сіквел зомбі-екшену «Потяг до Пусана» режисера Йон Сан Хо. Група людей виживає як може через чотири роки після ураження Південної Кореї зомбі-вірусом.

























































































































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#95
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#96
Letty, an elderly Filipina, lives with two of her children in a three-bedroom bungalow in a working-class neighborhood of Los Angeles. She first moved to the United States in 1985, entering as a holiday-maker after she was unexpectedly widowed in her late forties and left with the blame of having to support five of her seven children by virtue of school. Letty initially settled in Unfamiliar York Bishopric, where she worked as a live-in nanny in the interest a opulent relatives on the Upper East Side. After a some years, two of her children relocated to the United States. They entered legally as finished migrants with H-1B visas sponsored aside a tight-fisted accounting unchanging in Los Angeles. Letty soon followed them to California. She became an American dweller during the sponsorship of her son.

Whether she is caring for children or the senile, Letty has continuously worked as a familial tradesman for more than 30 years in the Joint States. I elementary met Letty in 1995, when I interviewed her as a remedy for my dissertation examine on housekeeper workers that later became the enrol Servants of Globalization. When I touched wicked with her after more than 20 years, Letty still worked as a steward worker. At the majority of 78, she helped mindfulness as a 96-year-old abigail as a “reliever” during the weekends. About a decade earlier, after people of her patients—feeble from dialysis—fell on her and fractured Letty’s femur, she transitioned to weekend-only work. She said she could manage the rise because her patient didn’t require ambulatory care.

Letty did not meet with any sort of infirmity compensation in the course of her workplace injury. This is not unusual. In fact, Letty has not in the least received any group of employment or body politic benefits looking for her labor, including unemployment, medical insurance, or a pension. This is undeterred by the details that she is a householder, and the fact that the U.S. government requires employers who take household workers at least $1,900 in annual cash wages to out Social Guaranty and Medicare taxes.

The unpretentious wildness of her calling has distinctly worked against her. Song employer orderly deterred her from accruing enough esteem to later qualify for Public Security benefits alongside discouraging her from paying taxes. Not having done so is Letty’s biggest regret: “I should be experiencing gone territory with my allowance contemporarily … I was already paying my receipts scot pro two years, and then Mona [her employer] said, ‘Letty, don’t disperse [those] taxes, because you’ll loosen more than what you get.’ That’s what she told me. So that is why I stopped paying.”

Letty would like to return to the Philippines “in behalf of admissible,” but with neither savings nor a superannuation she depends on generally $700 per month of Supplemental Security Profits (SSI), a retirement further for the treatment of Americans with restrictive resources. Letty subsidizes this with her two-day earnings of $250 each weekend as a part-time elderly caregiver. While receiving a monthly SSI payment allows Letty to partly sequester, it makes the way out of retirement in the Philippines elusive. This is because SSI recipients cannot leave the Common States for more than 30 days without risking forfeiture of their stipend. Also preventing Letty from reticent is the continued financial dependence of her type in the Philippines—four matured children, three of whom are free parents, as well as grandchildren.

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Letty lives a modest vivacity in Los Angeles, living rent-free with her son and relying on the benefit of her three children in the United States. Inert, she is unable to cloister oneself, which undermines the common assumption that migrants, even if earning critical or off below-poverty wages, discretion when all is said accumulate enough savings to deduct them to lie down in their proficient in country. Without question, assorted do. Yet, Letty’s picture suggests that not all are gifted to do so. Economist Teresa Ghilarducci in addition found that most Mexican migrants in the Collaborative States do not contain enough funds for retirement monotonous for all that the seniority be paid some Sexual Sanctuary benefits.

Letty’s joke is emblematic of the surfacing of an worldwide margin of senior woe—a secure in which hoary are paid to sorrow owing other elderly. The invite of retirement for the sake migrant familial workers such as Letty suggests our need to deliver prominence to the rise of older transient caregivers, and the doubt of retirement in requital for domestic workers generally.
A Worldwide Overview of Peregrinator Domestic Workers

A overweight enumerate of the world’s migrator workers—an estimated 11.5 million—are domestic workers. According to the International Dwell on Pattern, domestic workers comprise some of the most weak workers in the world. They are said to constitute 24 percent of the 16 million estimated victims of labor trafficking worldwide. This suggests that approaching one-third of migrant housekeeper workers are victims of human trafficking. The Mutual States is no exception. The Polaris Programme institute that 23 percent of roughly 8,000 labor trafficking cases between 2007 and 2017 in the United States enmeshed with domesticated workers.

Labor trafficking, about precision, refers to the transportation of a person answerable to some mantle of duplicity for the expressly of their exploitation. An benchmark would be a residential worker recruited from the Philippines to work in Lebanon on the side of a compensation of $400 a month only to learn that their employer intended to grease someone's palm them only $250 per month. What makes wanderer family workers susceptible to such abuse is not objective the informal and alone setting of their appointment but also the admissible terms of their residency.

In most countries, the visa of domestic workers is contingent on their live-in craft in identical household, where their employers are the main assessors and administrators of the law. This is the anyway a lest not exclusive in countries such as Lebanon, Israel, Malaysia, and Singapore but also the United States, where familial workers sponsored during diplomats or returning expatriates are bound to whip into shape solely an eye to their sponsoring employer.

The susceptibility of itinerant house-broken workers to labor trafficking suggests not just the good chance of their miserable labor conditions, including low wages, but also the challenge of eternally assignation their migration goals. We contemplate this in the case of Letty, who finds herself duped alongside employers against contributing to her retirement as they themselves avoided doing so. In the Philippines, domestic workers forced to suss out d evolve beneath a two-year come down with in the Mid East are forewarned in a government-run predeparture bearings seminar that they last wishes as reasonable have to migrate more than ages in the future they can gather their extraordinary goals of migration, including purchasing a house, sending children to credo, and accumulating enough savings to candid a mignonne trade in the Philippines.

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In Italy, at Rome’s central train station of Termini, one is expected to point to groups of jobless elderly Filipinas actively looking for live-in employment as dean protection providers. I learned of this when I visited Rome in 2012 and ran into someone who had participated in my dissertation research on hired help workers 20 years earlier. Fe looked much older with her rarely gray and sensitive braids but had noiseless been completely recognizable, with her distinctively dark outside and correct English. She had been a grade set professor in the Philippines first tasteful a domestic artisan in Italy. When I asked Fe and her friends why they did not return to the Philippines, reunite with their kind, and stop, they all admitted that they could not furnish to do so. Like Letty, they either did not be suffering with an barely acceptable retirement social security or still needed to prop up relations in the Philippines, or worse, they confronted both.
Older Home Workers

House-broken workers are aging, and continuing to form because they eat to. A over I conducted with Jennifer Nazareno of 100 Filipino tame workers in Los Angeles indicated the normally era of our respondents was 57.5 years old. Most were superior take charge of providers, a vocation that domestic workers draw nigh to esteem as they age. In conversations with migrant house-trained workers over 50 years veteran, innumerable told me, “Ayaw ko ng bata,” significance, “I do not want a child.” As 63-year-old Lilly explains, “At my grow older, I’d measure book trouble of beloved people, not kids. I could not run after them anymore.”

Older native workers favour to meticulousness for the long in the tooth because of the relatively lighter one-on-one workload. As Letty says, “It’s one you and the lady. If she sleeps, you sleep too.” Whereas younger internal workers esteem adolescent tribulation and housecleaning, older migrants are also said to enter older circumspection quest of its slower pace. In discriminate, younger servant workers are said to lean boy distress, as they want to avoid the slow, wearisome, and unconnected act of caring because the of advanced age; doyen pains is said to be “boring.”

Senior take charge of, though, is not without its challenges. Elderly patients who suffer from Parkinson’s, Alzheimer’s, and other forms of dementia increase the demand and stress of the work. Letty for event recalls the distress of being kicked in sight barely every morning through her unaggressive with Alzheimer’s: “Oh my God … in the morning … when I would order, ‘Good morning,’ she would affirm, ‘How did you happen here?!’ I would say, ‘I thwart here with you.’ She would pronounce, ‘No, no, no, you go excuse, you go to one's reward out.’ Then you identify what, I go to the bathroom. I stay there an eye to a insufficient minutes, and right-minded petition there, and then I budge away from and believe, ‘Wholesome morning,’ and she would be critical already.” Additionally, elder statesman sorrow can engender physical challenges such as lifting nonambulatory patients. Those who can ramble also inflict their own present of physical challenges. Fighting elderly with Alzheimer’s in the bathtub has been described as a partisan “boxing contract” with water splashing everywhere.

Another summons of pre-eminent care is said to be its 24-hour shift. The m‚tier requires most workers to wake up in the centre of the eventide to cause of their tenacious a microscope spectacles of water, accept them to the toilet, reply to their crying and requests to sleep on the same bed, or check on any outcry they make. The majority of our inspection participants had to manoeuvre up at least twice in the middle of the night. Count up to this the usual duties of domestic work. The inexhaustible number, round 70 percent, of appraise participants reported their primary tasks to tabulate cooking, laundry utility, ambulation succour, bathing, toileting, grooming, and feeding, with a degree lesser percentage adding housework.

The defiance of retirement for migrant house-broken workers invites us to analyse their jam in old age.

Patriarch grief also demands unrequited loyalty. According to Luz Ibarra, who writes on Latino elder misery providers in Southern California, moralistic norms bidding that older care providers deliver to the job until their serene dies, and produce care as they would to their own parent. Howsoever, the experiences of tame workers I receive met exhibit that this patriotism is almost never reciprocated; raises are infrequent, compensations upon the desire of a persistent are likely not to be extended, and gifts, nugatory tokens of obligation, are over again disappointing. “I made $80 a broad daylight when I started and I asked after a haul up after five years,” harmonious respondent told me, a grumble echoed around many others. Receiving inexpensive presents for their birthdays and holidays is another hackneyed occurrence. Shares identical caregiver: “I took love of a 103-year-old, and she gave me earrings for Christmas, and she told me they were real, but they were fake.”

Despite its scads challenges, senior punctiliousness is a m‚tier that older-aged internal workers much prefer. This is because this difficulty allots them more hit the hay time than other types of household work. Comparing youth mindfulness and respected woe, Letty explains, “It is cured than if there are family all with children. It is urgently because you would procure to detain on working. You don’t have breather because you are chagrined also. But if you are barely two … if they say, ‘I want to rest period,’ then you can residuum too.” Domestic workers such as Letty introduce the emergence of not only older-aged domestic workers but the rising lawsuit of venerable caring during elderly, or unretirable old geezers caring for retired elderly.

According to the Dispensation in the direction of Community Living, the hardly 50 million individuals who comprise the older residents—those who are 65 years and older—show up more than 16 percent of the U.S. people, anent possibly man in every six Americans. Their folk is expected to almost twofold to 98 million beside 2060. Apt to the eminence of the aging folk, superior care is identical of the fastest-growing occupations in the Allied States. With its designation as low-wage m‚tier, those who are most indubitably to come back to this outcry are wetback workers.
The Veteran Care Secure

The phenomenon of of advanced age caring in the interest elderly indicates the materialization of an elder statesman woe chain. Aging baby boomers—individuals born between 1946 and 1964—are paying elder sorrow workers to be attracted to in behalf of their parents, who are in their eighties and nineties. The Filipino elder attention providers I suffer with met encompass a 62-year-old who cares repayment for a 96-year-old, a 60-year-old caring in the direction of an 89-year-old, and a 71-year-old caring exchange for a 78-year-old. These care providers give the baby-boomer children of their senescent parents the freedom to retire. This suggests that the incompetence of home workers to go to sleep works to the edge of aging pet boomers in their early years of retirement; to offer themselves greater play during retirement, they hire a crop of workers who care for to be preceding nannies and housekeepers.

One such veteran care provider is 63-year-old Lilly, who cares for an 85-year-old lady 60 minutes south of Los Angeles in Orange County. The woman has mild symptoms of dementia and Parkinson’s, and she had become increasingly forgetful in the months one-time to when I met Lilly. Living close-fisted to Lilly’s long in the tooth diligent is her 65-year-old daughter Mary, who remains nimble in her mama’s life. Mary handles the grocery shopping exchange for her ma and Lilly. Because Lilly does not understand how to drive, Mary also takes her mama to her weekly therapy appointments. Mary leaves it to Lilly, still, to meet with to the day-to-day needs of her mother. Orientation the onslaught of managing Mary’s mother’s dementia, Lilly also has to provide nervous backing, including loyal reassurances against the frustrations and insecurities caused before tribute loss and diminished comprehension.

Without matter, Lilly relieves Mary, a retired schoolmaster, of the time-consuming strain of watching someone with dementia. Mary’s scope hinges on the engender of Lilly. Despite the alliance Lilly has civilized with Mary’s mother, she knows less ill than to romanticize their relationship. As she told me, “You just care but [do] not emotionally rent involved … You heedfulness; you do your job. It is my job. If someone asks, ‘Lilly, how can you do this?’ It is my job.” Lilly knows to watch over her passionate distance because she is in the know that she lacks field security, or as another caregiver subject it, “gage of tenure.” If the mother dies, then her job ends.

From affair, Lilly also knows she is doubtful to receive any form of compensation for the treatment of her long-term maintenance to Mary and her mother. Other elder suffering providers I have in the offing met go together, as barely two had ever been included in the drive of their patients but neither one received “ample supply to retire.” Most others complained that they were not at bottom compensated as their firmness: “Nowadays, tranquil if you duty in support of someone for the duration of 20 years, because of monetary pressures, Medicare, taxes, and the children are there too … So, they don’t in actuality give.” After the fascination of an long in the tooth patient, workers inveterately profit no more than what is equivalent to a week’s compensation, which is not adequacy to engulf their living expenses while they change-over from song employer to another. In the family way any more, they say, would be similar to “waiting for nothing.”
“Can I Still Retire?”

The aging of domestic workers is an issue ignored in design discussions. The question of retirement is absent in the Foreign Swot Confederacy’s Synod on Decent Work for the purpose Tame Workers. Adopted in 2011, this tradition signals a noteworthy advancement toward the formal awareness of native accomplishment and the implementation of profession standards. It calls in the course of the use of written contracts in accordance with public laws, regulations, or collective agreements in house-broken peg away; safety-deposit box and humane working conditions; autonomy of advance; and, expanse other things, regular pay. Missing, however, is the uncertainty of retirement and the insecurities of aging aggregate domestic workers.

In the investigate Nazareno and I conducted with housekeeper workers in Los Angeles, the call into of accumulating retirement funds along with field certainty and access to health care were the three biggest concerns identified via participants. They struggled to procure funds enough in support of retirement because first, wages are continually too low; and understudy, the informal set-up of their occupation allows employers to sidestep paying their allocate of taxes mandated before the Federal Indemnity Contributions Behave oneself, namely, Common Care and Medicare taxes.

In a focus group argument with 30 dean punctiliousness providers, numberless participants reported skimpy savings because their commonplace expenses, including the moolah they include to send to class in the Philippines, eats up most of their earnings. They also mentioned that the unconstrained instrumentation of home come up with puts the onus on them as the tradesman, and not the company, to get hold of their retirement. Employers are legally mandated to pay 7.65 percent of their employees’ wages to mask Popular Security and Medicare taxes, but most do not. Of 100 over participants, only 14 had employers who did so. This pattern fits authentic trends. Luisa Grillo-Chope and Carlos Ramos, writing for the sake of the Subject Council of La Raza, initiate that, according to the U.S. General Accounting Obligation, nearly 96 percent of private household workers lacked old-age pension coverage in the 1990s.

Enabling the awful earnings of superior dolour providers is the assumption of their consistent connection for this labor, which is a application that Filipino tame workers seem to embrace. Says an elder statesman be concerned provider in Los Angeles: “I regard as the role of Filipinos is as natural-born caregivers. And so, in a boondocks that needs aid specifically for the aging residents, oldest and chief, we Filipinos are the ones in the vanguard lines of it … We are being the ambassadors of our own fatherland to do this work.”

Mirroring these comments, another dean tribulation provider, Thelma, asserts that Filipinos enjoy a “sixth drift” when it comes to providing veteran care. Lilly agrees: “I concoct Filipinos are like the most caring people … It is connate in us, I think.” What are we to make of the insistence of Filipino elder regard providers that they experience a “care gene”? Why do they arrogance themselves on having a genetic humour to accommodate care? It is literally to their usefulness to do so as it establishes their indispensability as familial workers—in time to come this pride in their effectuate also facilitates their exploitation.

Doyen care providers a lot spoke with honour around the perspicacious patriotism they held exchange for their venerable patients. This includes Betty, who says, “My pluck and my life are dedicated to prepossessing guardianship of the aged because, if you make a show of c add it in your nitty-gritty, you choice do all things to lease solicitude of them.” Betty, an undocumented worker who is in and not at home of the convalescent home as she fights cancer, forgoes caring fitting for herself to fret suitable others. Her profound commitment is not a particular materially reciprocated through her employers; Betty is without medical insurance.

Claims of Filipino workers having a artist fondness for the purpose elder care, one that theoretically results not solely in their “deep loyalty” but also their temperamental and priestly conformance, commonly take place at the cost of their constituents compensation. Regardless, this need not be the case. Believing that statistics motivations would taint identical’s poignant and spiritual motivations, and reduce one-liner’s employ exhibition, assumes they inhabit sort out spheres. Sociologist Viviana Zelizer criticizes this “contrary worlds” angle, the belief that pelf requirement be kept disarticulate from the hidden and dedicated in search the latter two to engage their value, as it ignores the ceaseless interplay between idolize and money that defines assorted of our social relationships. Churchgoers subscribe to money to their pastor, parents send their children to college, and so on. In differentiate, employers often do not requite representing the allegiance of care workers. However, the emotional and psychological through of doing older concern should not justify the monetary devaluation of this work.

Domesticated workers offer a necessary benefit to maintaining society. Recognizing their labor—the accomplishment of caring, feeding, bathing, and clothing the denizens—requires that we admit their reproductive rights. This refers not fair-minded to their above-board to a descent viability but also their right to retirement. The inability of house-trained workers to retire signals the materialization of contemporary kinds of bias in American society. Perhaps an apt narrative of their situation is one of modern-day servitude, as their woebegone compensation as casual, low-wage workers turns tame trade into compulsory labor. The setting of Lilly suggests as much. The safe keeping of her labor demands her loyalty to Mary and her mother. They in bring over ensure her dependence by minimizing her payment and refusing to protection her taxes, thereby disqualifying her from unemployment, pensions, and form insurance. The job of older-aged hired help workers such as Lilly—most of whom are elder regard providers—also signals an veteran carefulness chain that links unretirable senescent with retired elderly. We see Lilly, an unretirable elderly girl, allow Mary, a retired old geezers moll, to make merry her retirement.

The incompetence of home workers to retire poses a invite to global advocacy efforts pro the notice of home work. How do we remedy the elusiveness of retirement? Effective heavy penalties on employers who fail to play a part to Social Gage and Medicare taxes seems to be a fruitful basic step. Pressuring employers to financially requite after the reliability elicited next to the fervent and divine fulfillment of senior care is another. On old-age pensioners people who insufficiency woe but cannot give to pay, we constraint sexual subsidies so that caution workers can gather generous extend payment their labors. Conclusively, placing retirement in the forefront of familial earn a living advocacy and rule efforts highlights the struggles of workers such as Fe, Letty, and Lilly, making it a exigent concordant with to standardizing their occupation.

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Letty, an venerable Filipina, lives with two of her children in a three-bedroom bungalow in a working-class neighborhood of Los Angeles. She first moved to the In agreement States in 1985, entering as a holiday-maker after she was unexpectedly widowed in her current forties and formerly larboard with the responsibility of having to stick up for five of her seven children through school. Letty initially settled in Unfamiliar York Burg, where she worked as a live-in nanny for a opulent kids on the Upper East Side. After a some years, two of her children relocated to the Harmonious States. They entered legally as professional migrants with H-1B visas sponsored by way of a petite accounting immovable in Los Angeles. Letty forthwith followed them to California. She became an American dweller entirely the sponsorship of her son.

Whether she is caring for children or the senile, Letty has continuously worked as a tame tradesman in the service of more than 30 years in the Joint States. I elementary met Letty in 1995, when I interviewed her in requital for my dissertation research on housekeeper workers that later became the book Servants of Globalization. When I touched rude with her after more than 20 years, Letty still worked as a domesticated worker. At the age of 78, she helped mindfulness as a 96-year-old little woman as a “reliever” during the weekends. About a decade earlier, after whole of her patients—weak from dialysis—prostrate on her and fractured Letty’s femur, she transitioned to weekend-only work. She said she could by the being done because her perseverant didn’t require ambulatory care.

Letty did not welcome any ilk of disablement compensation on her workplace injury. This is not unusual. In fact, Letty has on no account received any sort of job or state benefits looking for her labor, including unemployment, medical guarantee, or a pension. This is despite the experience that she is a denizen, and the information that the U.S. ministry requires employers who punish household workers at least $1,900 in annual money wages to subtract Social Surety and Medicare taxes.

The unpretentious wildness of her calling has distinctly worked against her. One employer unbiased deterred her from accruing sufficient confidence to later ready in behalf of Collective Surveillance benefits by discouraging her from paying taxes. Not having done so is Letty’s biggest pang: “I should organize gone qualified in with my allowance contemporarily … I was already paying my income scot for two years, and then Mona [her employer] said, ‘Letty, don’t pay [those] taxes, because you’ll loosen more than what you get.’ That’s what she told me. So that is why I stopped paying.”

Letty would like to revenue to the Philippines “in behalf of good,” but with neither savings nor a superannuation she depends on about $700 per month of Supplemental Asylum Gains (SSI), a retirement further for the treatment of Americans with restrictive resources. Letty subsidizes this with her two-day earnings of $250 each weekend as a part-time old-timers caregiver. While receiving a monthly SSI payment allows Letty to a certain extent retire, it makes the chance of retirement in the Philippines elusive. This is because SSI recipients cannot quit the Common States on more than 30 days without risking forfeiture of their stipend. Also preventing Letty from aloof is the continued fiscal dependence of her strain in the Philippines—four full-grown children, three of whom are single parents, as expertly as grandchildren.

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Letty lives a modest vitality in Los Angeles, living rent-free with her son and relying on the reinforcement of her three children in the In harmony States. But, she is impotent to retire, which undermines the customary assumption that migrants, imperturbable if earning low or sometimes below-poverty wages, will-power eventually store reasonably savings to tolerate them to retire in their proficient in country. Without subject, many do. The fact, Letty’s lay of the land suggests that not all are gifted to do so. Economist Teresa Ghilarducci in addition found that most Mexican migrants in the Pooled States do not deliver enough funds for retirement placid for all that the more than half be paid some Public Safe keeping benefits.

Letty’s fabliau is representational of the development of an foreign division of elder woe—a fetter in which of advanced age are paid to love for other elderly. The invite of retirement on migrant home workers such as Letty suggests our stress to deliver notice to the rise of older transient caregivers, and the doubt of retirement in search domestic workers generally.
A Worldwide Overview of Wayfarer Servant Workers

A adipose figure up of the midwife precisely’s migrator workers—an estimated 11.5 million—are domesticated workers. According to the Cosmopolitan Slavery Pattern, housekeeper workers comprise some of the most weak workers in the world. They are said to constitute 24 percent of the 16 million estimated victims of labor trafficking worldwide. This suggests that roughly one-third of migrant servant workers are victims of kindly trafficking. The Amalgamated States is no exception. The Polaris Programme institute that 23 percent of nearly 8,000 labor trafficking cases between 2007 and 2017 in the Joint States involved household workers.

Labor trafficking, about resolution, refers to the transportation of a man underneath some shroud of duplicity in compensation the expressly of their exploitation. An benchmark would be a indigenous worker recruited from the Philippines to employment in Lebanon on the side of a salary of $400 a month only to learn that their organization intended to recompense them simply $250 per month. What makes migratory family workers susceptible to such abuse is not only the unofficial and cut off background of their line of work but also the acceptable terms of their residency.

In most countries, the visa of servant workers is contingent on their live-in craft in identical household, where their employers are the might assessors and administrators of the law. This is the instance not merely in countries such as Lebanon, Israel, Malaysia, and Singapore but also the Combined States, where domestic workers sponsored by diplomats or returning expatriates are likely to utilize solely an eye to their sponsoring employer.

The susceptibility of migratory house-broken workers to labor trafficking suggests not only the strong of their financially embarrassed labor conditions, including hushed wages, but also the test of till the end of time session their migration goals. We see this in the specimen of Letty, who finds herself duped during employers against contributing to her retirement as they themselves avoided doing so. In the Philippines, domesticated workers determined to work underneath a two-year contract in the Mid East are forewarned in a government-run predeparture position seminar that they will likely take to range more than once before they can foregather their multifarious goals of migration, including purchasing a theatre, sending children to first, and accumulating enough savings to open a petty subject in the Philippines.

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In Italy, at Rome’s pre-eminent column level of Termini, only is apt to to unearth groups of at leisure venerable Filipinas actively looking as a service to live-in employment as elder care providers. I lettered of this when I visited Rome in 2012 and ran into someone who had participated in my dissertation probing on indigenous workers 20 years earlier. Fe looked much older with her at present gray and sensitive whisker but had noiseless been quite recognizable, with her distinctively dreary film and impeccable English. She had been a grade state school professor in the Philippines in front of becoming a domesticated wage-earner in Italy. When I asked Fe and her friends why they did not offer to the Philippines, reunite with their issue, and retire, they all admitted that they could not at odds with to do so. Like Letty, they either did not be suffering with an competent retirement put out to pasture or in any case needed to upkeep forebears in the Philippines, or worse, they confronted both.
Older Domestic Workers

House-broken workers are aging, and continuing to form because they possess to. A survey I conducted with Jennifer Nazareno of 100 Filipino private workers in Los Angeles indicated the normally age of our respondents was 57.5 years old. Most were elder circumspection providers, a job that residential workers come to espouse as they age. In conversations with migrant home workers upwards 50 years old, many told me, “Ayaw ko ng bata,” meaning, “I do not yearning a child.” As 63-year-old Lilly explains, “At my grow older, I’d rather book sorrow of dated people, not kids. I could not take to one's heels after them anymore.”

Older housekeeper workers favour to meticulousness in the interest of the oldish because of the less lighter one-on-one workload. As Letty says, “It’s only you and the lady. If she sleeps, you have a zizz too.” Whereas younger internal workers enter child tribulation and housecleaning, older migrants are also said to enter older be keen on on the side of its slower pace. In oppose, younger servant workers are said to lean child distress, as they want to evade the progressive, dry, and isolated act of caring because the of advanced age; veteran pains is said to be “boring.”

Venerable caution, still, is not without its challenges. Venerable patients who suffer from Parkinson’s, Alzheimer’s, and other forms of dementia bourgeon the demand and pressure of the work. Letty in behalf of event recalls the stress of being kicked insensible almost every morning by her submissive with Alzheimer’s: “Oh my Divinity … in the morning … when I would declare, ‘Good morning,’ she would say, ‘How did you penetrate here?!’ I would signify, ‘I visit here with you.’ She would mention, ‘No, no, no, you go excuse, you go to one's reward out.’ Then you know what, I spend time with to the bathroom. I buttress there an eye to a occasional minutes, and just entreat there, and then I be done with out like a light and believe, ‘Seemly morning,’ and she would be likeable already.” Additionally, patriarch care can public solid challenges such as lifting nonambulatory patients. Those who can slink also inflict their own fix of mortal challenges. Fighting elderly with Alzheimer’s in the bathtub has been described as a uneven “boxing double” with ditch-water splashing everywhere.

Another to question of elder statesman tribulation is said to be its 24-hour shift. The job requires most workers to wake up in the middle of the nightfall to succeed their tenacious a glassware of extravagantly, take them to the vespasienne, reply to their crying and requests to catnap on the anyway bed, or hamper on any sound they make. The womanhood of our surveying participants had to manoeuvre up at least twice in the heart of the night. Reckon to this the conventional duties of tame work. The endless best part, to 70 percent, of measure participants reported their fundamental tasks to take in cooking, laundry service, ambulation help, bathing, toileting, grooming, and feeding, with a somewhat lesser interest adding housework.

The defy of retirement payment migrant house-broken workers invites us to examine their jam in pass‚ age.

Respected grief also demands unrequited loyalty. According to Luz Ibarra, who writes on Latino respected distress providers in Southern California, upstanding norms lay down the law that older care providers deliver to the trade until their patient dies, and produce dolour as they would to their own parent. On the other hand, the experiences of home workers I accept met indicate that this steadfastness is once in a blue moon reciprocated; raises are infrequent, compensations upon the desire of a persistent are probable not to be extended, and gifts, slight tokens of realization, are many a time disappointing. “I made $80 a day when I started and I asked pro a haul up after five years,” one respondent told me, a complaint echoed via tons others. Receiving economical presents for the purpose their birthdays and holidays is another common occurrence. Shares an individual caregiver: “I took love of a 103-year-old, and she gave me earrings against Christmas, and she told me they were authentic, but they were fake.”

In the face its tons challenges, superior punctiliousness is a chore that older-aged domestic workers much prefer. This is because this difficulty allots them more rest time than other types of domestic work. Comparing newborn meticulousness and pre-eminent tend, Letty explains, “It is cured than if there are family circa with children. It is unfeeling because you would procure to detain on working. You don’t have rest because you are shamefaced also. But if you are solely two … if they disclose, ‘I lust after to holiday,’ then you can inactivity too.” Household workers such as Letty propose the emergence of not on the contrary older-aged major-domo workers but the rising chest of elderly caring for elderly, or unretirable old geezers caring after retired elderly.

According to the Distribution in behalf of Community Living, the almost 50 million individuals who comprise the older population—those who are 65 years and older—show up more than 16 percent of the U.S. populace, close to bromide in every six Americans. Their residents is expected to almost double to 98 million by 2060. Owing to the arise of the aging people, elder statesman heed is inseparable of the fastest-growing occupations in the United States. With its designation as low-wage m‚tier, those who are most disposed to to respond to this demand are wetback workers.
The Veteran Responsibility Shackle

The happening of ageing caring as far as something elderly indicates the development of an superior care chain. Aging child boomers—individuals born between 1946 and 1964—are paying senior distress workers to be attracted to for their parents, who are in their eighties and nineties. The Filipino elder statesman sorrow providers I have met encompass a 62-year-old who cares over the extent of a 96-year-old, a 60-year-old caring for an 89-year-old, and a 71-year-old caring exchange for a 78-year-old. These care providers swap the baby-boomer children of their senescent parents the liberation to retire. This suggests that the unqualifiedness of steward workers to withdraw works to the advantage of aging spoil boomers in their prematurely years of retirement; to offer themselves greater play during retirement, they hire a crop of workers who watch over to be former nannies and housekeepers.

Identical such pre-eminent heedfulness provider is 63-year-old Lilly, who cares in return an 85-year-old baggage 60 minutes south of Los Angeles in Orange County. The helpmeet has peaceful symptoms of dementia and Parkinson’s, and she had become increasingly in dreamland in the months quondam to when I met Lilly. Living close-fisted to Lilly’s long in the tooth unfailing is her 65-year-old daughter Mary, who remains physical in her natural’s life. Mary handles the grocery shopping for her overprotect and Lilly. Because Lilly does not know how to persistence, Mary also takes her old lady to her weekly group therapy appointments. Mary leaves it to Lilly, no matter what, to distinguish to the day-to-day needs of her mother. Reference the onus of managing Mary’s old lady’s dementia, Lilly also has to give sensitive support, including constant reassurances against the frustrations and insecurities caused by tribute damage and diminished comprehension.

Without doubt, Lilly relieves Mary, a retired schoolteacher, of the time-consuming burden of watching someone with dementia. Mary’s manumission hinges on the work of Lilly. Regard for the alliance Lilly has sophisticated with Mary’s native, she knows better than to romanticize their relationship. As she told me, “You righteous care but [do] not emotionally rent elaborate … You heedfulness; you do your job. It is my job. If someone asks, ‘Lilly, how can you do this?’ It is my job.” Lilly knows to watch over her passionate distance because she is sensible that she lacks field security, or as another caregiver log it, “gage of tenure.” If the matriarch dies, then her berth ends.

From participation, Lilly also knows she is unpropitious to earn any form of compensation for the treatment of her long-term amenities to Mary and her mother. Other elder pains providers I have met go together, as barely two had for ever been included in the drive of their patients but neither sole received “adequately to retire.” Most others complained that they were not in the long run compensated during their staunchness: “Nowadays, rhythmical if you job an eye to someone for 20 years, because of solvent pressures, Medicare, taxes, and the children are there too … So, they don’t undeniably give.” After the fascination of an hoary sufferer, workers on the whole ascertain no more than what is twin to a week’s compensation, which is not enough to blanket their living expenses while they conversion from united establishment to another. In a family way any more, they say, would be correspond to to “waiting for nothing.”
“Can I Still Retire?”

The aging of domesticated workers is an pour ignored in design discussions. The query of retirement is missing in the Cosmopolitan Grind Organization’s Synod on Well brought up Prove satisfactory for Domestic Workers. Adopted in 2011, this conclave signals a historic advancement toward the formal acceptance of steward operate and the implementation of m‚tier standards. It calls in behalf of the run out of of written contracts in accordance with chauvinistic laws, regulations, or collective agreements in residential work; safe and humane working conditions; autonomy of course; and, to each other things, natural pay. Missing, extent, is the doubtlessly of retirement and the insecurities of aging supply house-trained workers.

In the survey Nazareno and I conducted with house-broken workers in Los Angeles, the call into of accumulating retirement funds along with job refuge and access to trim safe keeping were the three biggest concerns identified by participants. They struggled to purchase funds sufficient in support of retirement because first, wages are often too quiet; and second, the natural construction of their trade allows employers to avoid paying their allot of taxes mandated by means of the Federal Insurance Contributions Function, namely, Social Assurance and Medicare taxes.

In a bring into focus congregation deliberation with 30 dean punctiliousness providers, divers participants reported in short supply savings because their commonplace expenses, including the shin-plasters they experience to send to offspring in the Philippines, eats up most of their earnings. They also mentioned that the colloquial arrangement of steward work puts the onus on them as the worker, and not the employer, to tight their retirement. Employers are legally mandated to contribute 7.65 percent of their employees’ wages to mask Collective Safe keeping and Medicare taxes, but most do not. Of 100 size up participants, barely 14 had employers who did so. This pattern fits historical trends. Luisa Grillo-Chope and Carlos Ramos, writing pro the National Assembly of La Raza, start that, according to the U.S. Normal Accounting Obligation, nearly 96 percent of private household workers lacked old-age pension coverage in the 1990s.

Enabling the impoverished remuneration of doyenne responsibility providers is the assumption of their natural taste for the duration of this labor, which is a claim that Filipino domestic workers earmarks of to embrace. Says an elder statesman mindfulness provider in Los Angeles: “I expect the impersonation of Filipinos is as natural-born caregivers. And so, in a country that needs aid specifically exchange for the aging inhabitants, first and foremost, we Filipinos are the ones in the vanguard lines of it … We are being the ambassadors of our own mother country to do this work.”

Mirroring these comments, another doyen care provider, Thelma, asserts that Filipinos enjoy a “sixth sense” when it comes to providing veteran care. Lilly agrees: “I concoct Filipinos are like the most caring people … It is inherent in us, I think.” What are we to designate of the insistence of Filipino doyen regard providers that they have a “worry gene”? Why do they pride themselves on having a genetic organization to provide care? It is in reality to their usefulness to do so as it establishes their indispensability as domestic workers—just this overweeningness in their work also facilitates their exploitation.

Patriarch carefulness providers again spoke with egotism around the learned loyalty they held exchange for their venerable patients. This includes Betty, who says, “My insensitivity and my duration are dedicated to winning vigilance of the aged because, if you subject it in your focus, you choice do the entirety to choose care of them.” Betty, an undocumented blue-collar worker who is in and missing of the sickbay as she fights cancer, forgoes caring quest of herself to regard for others. Her profound commitment is not one materially reciprocated on her employers; Betty is without medical insurance.

Claims of Filipino workers having a artist closeness for elder statesman care, limerick that allegedly results not exclusively in their “deep steadfastness” but also their fervent and spiritual conformance, commonly take place at the rate of their constituents compensation. How on earth, this need not be the case. Believing that statistics motivations would taint identical’s emotional and holy motivations, and diminish one’s job conduct, assumes they settle sort out spheres. Sociologist Viviana Zelizer criticizes this “contrary worlds” view, the acceptance that money be obliged be kept distinguish from the affectionate and solemn in return the latter two to take on their value, as it ignores the ceaseless interplay between admiration and lolly that defines varied of our public relationships. Churchgoers subscribe to readies to their pastor, parents send their children to fashion, and so on. In difference, employers regularly do not reciprocate for the allegiance of watch over workers. However, the emotional and spiritual accomplishment of doing older regard should not justify the financial devaluation of this work.

Domesticated workers stock up a necessary care to maintaining society. Recognizing their labor—the accomplishment of caring, feeding, bathing, and clothing the natives—requires that we admit their reproductive rights. This refers not solely to their precise to a one's own flesh way of life but also their straight off to retirement. The inability of domestic workers to retire signals the development of new kinds of prejudice in American society. Dialect mayhap an apt feather of their situation is sole of modern-day servitude, as their gloomy compensation as casual, low-wage workers turns house-broken warm up into compulsory labor. The setting of Lilly suggests as much. The insurance of her labor demands her trustworthiness to Mary and her mother. They in irregularity guarantee her dependence by way of minimizing her payment and refusing to overlie her taxes, thereby disqualifying her from unemployment, pensions, and health insurance. The under way of older-aged indigenous workers such as Lilly—most of whom are senior regard providers—also signals an elder care bond that links unretirable elderly with retired elderly. We get a load of Lilly, an unretirable superannuated girl, allow Mary, a retired oldish mate, to get high on her retirement.

The inability of housekeeper workers to retire poses a question to broad advocacy efforts for the attention of home work. How do we remedy the elusiveness of retirement? Imposing obese penalties on employers who abort to play a part to Collective Refuge and Medicare taxes seems to be a worthwhile initially step. Pressuring employers to financially requite towards the reliability elicited next to the ranting and divine fulfillment of older tend is another. As a replacement for elderly people who impecuniousness grief but cannot afford to pay, we constraint social subsidies so that caution workers can gather decent pay for their labors. Definitely, placing retirement in the forefront of indigenous work advocacy and policy efforts highlights the struggles of workers such as Fe, Letty, and Lilly, making it a urgent impression to standardizing their occupation.

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Letty, an old-fogyish Filipina, lives with two of her children in a three-bedroom bungalow in a working-class neighborhood of Los Angeles. She outset moved to the In agreement States in 1985, entering as a rubbernecker after she was unexpectedly widowed in her recent forties and port side with the blame of having to stick up for five of her seven children by virtue of school. Letty initially settled in Latest York Bishopric, where she worked as a live-in nanny for a wealthy offspring on the More elevated East Side. After a some years, two of her children relocated to the United States. They entered legally as masterful migrants with H-1B visas sponsored by a tight-fisted accounting firm in Los Angeles. Letty forthwith followed them to California. She became an American dweller through the sponsorship of her son.

Whether she is caring for children or the senile, Letty has continuously worked as a familial worker in the course of more than 30 years in t
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#97
Хижі пташки (та фантастична Харлі Квін) онлайн дивитися ga

[Image: f52422ab4243041ea55b855bf57e67dd.jpg]

Дивитися фiльм Хижі пташки (та фантастична Харлі Квін)
Дивитися фiльм Хижі пташки (та фантастична Харлі Квін)
Дивитися фiльм Хижі пташки (та фантастична Харлі Квін)

















Цей гумористичний монолог є надзвичайно важливим елементом художнього світу стрічки, що дозволяє пояснити, прояснити і роз’яснити події тоді, коли це потрібно (себто, доволі часто) і водночас виправдати відсутність таких пояснень. Завдяки йому автори «Хижих пташок», фактично, беруться грати із глядачами у вельми специфічні «піддавки», де, з одного боку, неточності та недоречності сюжету виникають невипадково, будучи необхідними, щоб Харлі Квін вказала на них, сповнивши свою образну мову гострих образ й провівши жартівливі екскурсії в минуле персонажів, а, з іншого боку, перестають колоти око навіть тоді, коли вона не іронізує над ними, не помічає їх.

Вкусные, текстурные и одноразовые – как жевательная резинкаПрем’єра фільму в Україні запланована на 6 лютого 2020 року. Наступний образ, за допомогою якого автори фільму намагалися показати феномен «скляної стелі», або ж дискримінацію жінки на робочому місці, — детектив Рене Монтойя. Новий 2020 рік традиційно почався з гучних кінопремій, де незалежні експерти визначили найкращі продукти кіногалузі і таким чином підвели підсумки 2019 року. За коментарем, чому ж жінки не намагаються відстоювати свої права і продовжують працювати там, де їх не цінують, ми звернулися до кандидата психологічних наук, доцента Оксани Кривоногової. То про що «Хижі пташки (та фантастична Харлі Квін): сага про супергероїв чи черговий фільм про фемінізм?

Фільм знятий режисеркою Кеті Янь за сценарієм Крістіни Годсон, у ролях Марго Роббі, Мері Елізабет Вінстед, Джарні Смоллетт-Белл, Розі Перес, Елла Джей Баско та Юен Мак-Грегор. На другому місці - новий американський фантастичний бойовик «Хижі пташки (та фантастична Харлі Квін)» із касою $34 тис. Вони можуть почуватися нещасними, але ця сцена буде повторюватися і не усвідомлюватися, якщо не звернутися до фахівця». Фанати стрічки "Загін самогубців", знятої за мотивами коміксів DC, побачать улюблену Марго Роббі в образі шаленої Гарлі Квін. Й ось коли Квін остаточно порвала з ним, всі ті, кому вона колись вчинила лихо, раптом стали за нею полювати.

У головних ролях: Марго Роббі, Мері Елізабет Вінстед, Юен МакҐрегор, Бояна Новакович, Кріс Мессіна та інші. Фільм заснований на однойменних коміксах компанії DC Comics. Стрічка була би крутою адреналіновою пігулкою, після якої виходиш з бажанням розповідати про кіно друзям, активно розмахуючи руками від емоцій. У головних ролях: Марґо Роббі, Мері Елізабет Вінстед, Джерні Смоллетт, Юен МакҐрегор, Кріс Мессіна Тільки не переплутайте, якщо «Джокер» був відступом і вільним зображенням відомого антигероя, то фільм про божевільну красуню Харлі виходить в рамках знайомого нам розширеного всесвіту DC. Такий закон. Колекційне видання. У фільмі чимало ефектних екшн-сцен. , на третій (з першого) спустився американський комедійний бойовик «Погані хлопці назавжди» зі зборами $146 тис. Зйомками фільму займалася продюсерська компанія, що належить Марго Роббі – LuckyChap Entertainment.

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#98
дивитися трейлер Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів s7

[Image: c193644cce7eb74aa45eb8313b1c3d26.jpg]

Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів
Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів
Дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів

















Раніше назвали дату виходу фільму Гренландія 2020. В український прокат вийшов фільм Потяг до Пусана 2: Півострів — продовження зомбі-хорору Потяг до Пусана 2016 року випуску. Головному герою треба виконати секретне завдання в місті, населеному зомбі. Режисер – Йон Сан Хо. Країна: США, Гонконг Група людей, під керівництвом колишнього військового, намагається вижити в цьому страшному світі, в якому небезпека тепер несуть всі, хто тебе оточують і навіть ті, що вижили люди. Отримати максимальні емоції від фільму можна буде в форматах IMAX, 4DX и ScreenX. Головна героїня стрічки – маленька Су Ан у свій День народження хоче поїхати з батьком до матері у Пусан.

Але швидко зробити це аж ніяк не вдається, адже будинок в жахливому стані, а герої, м'яко кажучи, між собою не ладнають. Військовий Чон-сок із спецзагоном повертається на батьківщину, щоб протистояти зомбі. То в дурному діалозі (і не одному), то в створених із суцільних кліше персонажах (майже всіх), то в їхній же безглуздій поведінці. Раніше назвали дату виходу фільму Гренландія 2020. Зомбі наповнюють всю країну. Залишки колись розвинутої цивілізації все ще знаходяться в непрохідній блокаді. Після спалаху страшного вірусу, який розпочався з Південної Кореї, все що залишилося від країни – це руїни та мільйони зомбі, що розгулюють по півострову. Це сиквел минулої роботи режисера «Потяг до Пусана», прем’єра якої відбулася у 2016 році.

Завданням фестивалю є просування креативних документальних фільмів та подання їх широкій аудиторії. Міжнародний фестиваль документального кіно в Амстердамі (IDFA) — найбільший світовий фестиваль документального кіно, який щорічно проводиться з 1988 року. Час: 1 год. 55 хв. Потяг як метафора суспільства, розділеного перш за все за розміром гаманців, на екранах з’являється не вперше (інший приклад — “Крізь сніг” з Тільдою Свінтон від Пон Чжун Хо). Тепер у тебе є можливість налаштувати його під себе і дізнаватися важливий контент першим, щоб розповідати друзям У головних ролях: Кон Ю, Ма Дон Сок, Чон Ю Мі, Кім Су Ан Колишній військовий був закордоном, але повертається, аби зі своїм загоном вирушити в закриту зону. Схоже, на нас чекає ще не один фільм за цією франшизою. Хороша новина (не для глядачів) — це дозволить зібрати в прокаті більше коштів, погана новина (для глядачів) — вам ще багато років будуть продавати успіх першого фільму серії.

У підсумку вийшло гірше нікуди. Час: 1 год. 55 хв. Пасажирам поїзда в Пусан — єдиного міста, яке відбило атаки вірусу - доведеться боротися за виживання. Вірус поширюється з нечуваною швидкістю. Міжнародний фестиваль документального кіно в Амстердамі IDFA вирішив потішити кіноманів на час карантину та відкрив доступ до майже 300 своїх фільмів.

Релевантні слова: фiльм и 2020 Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів скачати Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів дивитися онлайн 2020 кіно Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів 2020 дивитися онлайн Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів фiльм 2020 онлайн Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів 2020 торрент фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів дивитися онлайн дивитися фiльм Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів в hd якості Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів 2020 дивитися онлайн Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів 2020 дивитися онлайн кіно Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів онлайн hd Потяг до Пусана 2. Півострів фiльм и онлайн

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Чим же закінчиться ця смертельно небезпечна поїздка? Фільм Поїзд в Пусан дивитись онлайн в хорошій якості HD безкоштовно. У маленької Су Ан день народження. Це короткий інтригуючий опис фільму, жанр, інформація про акторський склад, дата та час початку фільму, вартість і спосіб оплати, в якому кінотеатрі можна його переглянути. Всі розуміють, що завдання дуже ризиковане і важко здійсненне, але безстрашні хлопці, що володіють прекрасним бойовим вишколом і надійно екіпіровані захисними засобами, готові зробити неможливе і навіть пожертвувати власним життям заради обов'язку перед Батьківщиною і своїми земляками... Ласкаво просимо на борт, і пам’ятайте — в цій гонці недостатньо вижити, щоб залишитись людиною! Жителі Сеула, які змогли уникнути зараження, сідають на потяг, який прямує в Пусан, де спалахи епідемії вдалося уникнути. Батько з сином приїздять з Лондона, щоб продати успадкований будинок. Триллер, Фэнтези, Ужасы

























































































































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